Casey Handmer warns China could reach the moon by 2029 — and NASA bureaucracy is the real obstacle
Jun 9, 2025 with Casey Handmer
Key Points
- China is pressuring its lunar program to land astronauts by 2029 instead of 2030, driven by accountability structures that create urgency NASA program managers no longer feel.
- NASA's $20 billion annual budget rivals twice the inflation-adjusted Manhattan Project cost, yet bureaucratic entrenchment and the vacancy in the administrator role leave the agency sidelined during budget negotiations.
- SpaceX remains the sole U.S. company capable of serious lunar competition, creating structural fragility in national strategy as China pursues reusable launch capability to close the gap.
Summary
China is targeting a crewed lunar landing by 2030, with internal pressure to accelerate that timeline to 2029 — roughly 1,640 days from the date of this conversation. That compressed schedule, driven by consequences-of-failure accountability that U.S. program managers haven't felt in decades, frames the competitive threat as closer to a second Sputnik moment than a distant geopolitical abstraction.
Casey Handmer, founder of Terraform Industries, argues the core problem is not ambition or money. NASA's annual budget sits at $20 billion, roughly twice the inflation-adjusted cost of the Manhattan Project, yet no moon base exists. The obstacle is entrenched bureaucracy: insiders who attempt reform face sustained institutional harassment, including legal and extra-legal pressure campaigns. Handmer describes the administrator role as arguably the toughest job in government, one that guarantees personal and professional damage regardless of success.
The departure of Jared Isaacman from the administrator role is seen as a serious setback. With no confirmed replacement, NASA has no seat at the table during active budget negotiations. Whoever eventually takes the chair will inherit programs designed for expired rationales and a budget they had no hand in shaping — all while the 2029 window closes. The Biden administration's appointment of Bill Nelson draws pointed criticism, with Handmer describing the outcomes of that tenure as mixed at best.
The strategic case for the moon is less about resources — Handmer compares it unfavorably to Antarctica in that regard — and more about precedent and leverage. A durable, defended Chinese human presence on the lunar surface could give Beijing grounds to simply discard the Outer Space Treaty, backed by nuclear deterrence. The geopolitical risk is a moon locked into what Handmer calls "communism with Chinese characteristics forever."
SpaceX remains the primary bulwark. China holds second place globally in launch volume but has not achieved reusability, meaning it is burning through significantly more hardware. No other U.S. company is close to SpaceX, a concentration of capability Handmer views as structurally fragile for national strategy.
Lunar Power and Industrialization
On lunar infrastructure, Handmer's preferred near-term power solution is microwave beaming from Earth, exploiting the fact that the Moon's near side maintains constant line-of-sight orientation. Solar arrays face a critical limitation: even at the lunar south pole's so-called peaks of eternal light, darkness can persist for five to six days in winter, requiring battery mass that makes the energy economics unworkable. Shipping a gas turbine and spare fuel via Starship may be more practical in the short term than either solar or nuclear, given that lunar nuclear plant construction would dwarf already extreme terrestrial costs.
The longer-term vision is an ISS-style coalition base — potentially operated by the NSF on the Antarctic model — hosting scientists and allied astronauts from Japan, the EU, Australia, and others, all working within a U.S.-built and U.S.-funded facility.
Solar Deployment and the Domestic Manufacturing Gap
At Terraform Industries, the Mark 1 system is in integration this summer. The machine converts sunlight and air into carbon-neutral synthetic natural gas, targeting a modular, backyard-deployable format.
The broader solar deployment problem in the U.S. is regulatory, not technical. Solar modules cost roughly 15 cents per watt, but U.S. installation runs approximately $1 per watt — nearly seven times the hardware cost — driven largely by permitting complexity on federal land. Around 90% of Nevada remains federal land, and projects there trigger NEPA environmental impact reviews running to tens of thousands of pages for sites that are, in Handmer's framing, economically and biologically inert desert. He calls for a categorical NEPA exemption for solar deployment on such land, with escrow-funded decommissioning obligations.
On Chinese solar dumping, Handmer's position is counterintuitive: if a geopolitical adversary is selling below cost, the rational response is to buy as much as possible and stockpile. China currently produces panels at prices that undercut U.S. raw material costs, and more than a terawatt of new U.S. manufacturing capacity is coming online in the next few years. The domestic industry gap is not technical — silicon refining is well understood, and panel assembly is already happening in nearly every U.S. state — it is a motivation and competition problem. China has 20 to 30 competing solar manufacturers driving prices toward 8 cents per watt; the U.S. industry has not yet developed that same hunger. Handmer draws an explicit parallel to NASA: the same absence of obsessive urgency that has kept the U.S. off the moon is keeping domestic solar from competing on cost.